In an interesting parallel with politicians' insistence that military options be kept "on the table" in dealing with Iran, the more hawkish Iran-policy hands (represented at today's events by people from WINEP) appear to be taking a rhetoric approach that involves loudly agreeing with mainstream analysts that diplomacy is the way to go and then later slipping all kinds of war-oriented assertions into the mix. Michael Eisenstadt was really good at this, offering a presentation that emphasized diplomacy but, in fact, involved diplomacy aimed at conditions Iran will never accept. He praised David Ochmanek's restrained-but-convincing account of what would be problematic about coping with a nuclear Iran, but also added "tens or even hundreds of millions could die if Iran gets nuclear weapons and decides to use them."
Similarly, US airstrikes would probably prompt a rally-round-the-flag effect in Teheran but, hey, "the Bolshevik revolution was brought on in part by the pressures of world war one." The most notable thing, however, was the nature of Eisenstadt's bottom-line objection to military options. Attacking Iran would, he said, greatly expand the scope of the war on terror. This, in turn, he said would be a bad idea primarily because there's no political support for it in the United States, which would make it impossible to pull off effectively. That, clearly, is true, but it's about the shallowest possible source of opposition to a proposed war.
Comments
"...and decides to use them..."
So how many people would die if the US or the UK or France or China or Pakistan or India or Israel--all of which have nukes--suddenly decided to use them? What do we think the probability of that is? (In the case of Pakistan or India, I'm afraid it's higher than we want to admit.) What do we think the probability that Iran is likely to use nukes is?
so... Thinking a war couldn't possibly be successful is a crappy reason to oppose that war?
Opposing a war because the war would be unpopular indicates to me that you're someone who's going to be investing his time in trying to make the war option more popular, rather than someone who's going to be trying to prevent the war from happening.
It's extremely unfortunate that we don't hear anything about building on common American/Iranian interests. The U. S. and the Iranian both want a secure Shiite government in Iraq, the end of the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan, and stable oil markets worldwide. We should be building from there.
The comment that "the Bolshevik revolution was brought on in part by the pressures of world war one" represents a preposturous comparison.
The Bolsheviks capitalized on dissatisfaction with a caretaker regime that refused to end Russian involvement in a war entered by their own government. Many Iranians are surely dissatisfied with their government, but to minimize the internal solidarity produced by an attack by an external enemy is to ignore history and sociology (see Lewis Coser on this subject).
"Attacking Iran would, he said, greatly expand the scope of the war on terror. This, in turn, he said would be a bad idea primarily because there's no political support for it in the United States, which would make it impossible to pull off effectively. That, clearly, is true, but it's about the shallowest possible source of opposition to a proposed war. "
Except in democracies, of course.
Sk
Except in democracies, of course.
No. See, being in a democracy means (mostly) that on a great many issues we accept that the outcomes of certain procedures for aggregating preferences are the law (or the national policy) until a different majority decides otherwise. It doesn't mean that we accept that the aggregated preferences are a good idea.
The fact that it is still off limits to just come out and say the obvious -- that war with Iran is a horrible idea that is completely against the interests of the United States -- is what is problematic. It is nuts to imply that war with Iran is like, a good idea that the American people for some strange reason won't support.
Also, second Ric Caric's statement above -- the U.S. and Iran have many common interests we should be pursuing.
Polls show little enthusiasm for attacking Iran tomorrow. They also show widespread acceptance of the ideas that will lead with inexorable logic to war with Iran.
The good thing about the session was that everyone, even Danielle Pletka of the American Empire Institute, said that attacking Iran was a bad idea. Whether that translates anywhere else, I don't know.
BTW, Matthew, thanks for posting the link. They decided to let walk-ins um, walk in, which was nice.
You must have left too early and missed some truly enjoyable moments. None more so than when the Iranian ambassador to the UN favorably quoted John Bolton disparaging the UNSC and giving a reason for why Iran is not cooperating with UNSC mandated weapons inspections.
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